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- Ahead of Lunar New Year, University Visits Park Chan-Kwon (Public Administration ’61) Following ₩150 Million Donation NEW
- University Pays a Courtesy Visit to Alumnus Park Chan-Kwon (Public Administration ’61) Ahead of Lunar New Year - Visiting His Home in Jeonju, North Jeolla Province, to Convey Appreciation - In the days leading up to the Lunar New Year, the University continued a meaningful tradition of expressing personal gratitude to one of its most steadfast benefactors. For the second consecutive year, University representatives traveled to Jeonju, North Jeolla Province, to visit the home of Park Chan-Kwon (Public Administration ’61), honoring his sustained generosity and enduring commitment to his alma mater. The visit follows Park’s ₩50 million contribution in February 2025 to the Department of Public Administration Development Fund. In recognition of his continued support, Choi Jae-Boong (Mechanical Engineering ’83), Vice President for Development and External Relations and former Executive Vice President of the University, personally visited Park to convey the institution’s appreciation. During the visit, Choi presented a commemorative plaque and a traditional holiday gift set as tokens of gratitude. Born in 1942, Park graduated from the University’s Department of Public Administration in 1961. He previously served as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Jeil Passenger Transportation Co., Ltd., and currently serves as an advisor to the University’s General Alumni Association. Earlier this January, Park once again demonstrated his deep affection for his alma mater through additional contributions totaling ₩150 million—₩100 million to the 1398 University Development Fund and ₩50 million to the Department of Public Administration Development Fund. His philanthropy reflects not only loyalty to his academic roots but also a forward-looking investment in the University’s long-term growth. ▲ Vice President Choi Jae-Boong presents a commemorative plaque to alumnus Park Chan-Kwon. “Although we had hoped to welcome him to campus, we felt it was more meaningful to visit such a distinguished senior alumnus in person,” Choi remarked. “Even across physical distance, Park continues to keep the University close to his heart. It is because of supporters like him that our institution thrives today and looks confidently toward tomorrow.” Park responded with characteristic humility. “I am deeply grateful that the University would come all this way to see me,” he said. “If future generations can study in a better environment, that alone brings me great joy. I will continue to support my alma mater’s development for as long as I am able.” ▲ Group photograph during the visit Park’s record of giving spans more than two decades. Beginning in 2003 with a ₩1 million contribution toward the construction of a residence hall, he has since donated approximately ₩456 million to the University. His philanthropy has extended across a wide range of initiatives—including the Department of Public Administration Development Fund, the 1398 University Development Fund, the Sungkyun Nobel Prize Fund, and the Global Sungkyun Scholarship Foundation—strengthening education, research, and student support across campus. The University plans to continue expanding its donor appreciation initiatives, ensuring that the spirit of giving resonates throughout the campus and inspires future generations.
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- 작성일 2026-02-12
- 조회수 40
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- [Faculty] Professor Koo Jeong Woo, [Segye Ilbo Column] "Politics Fans the Flames of the ‘Voting at 16’ Debate" NEW
- Politics Fans the Flames of the ‘Voting at 16’ Debate Korean Society on the Edge: Low Birthrates and Rapid Aging Expansion of Future Generations’ Political Participation Avoided Policy Imbalances Deepen Around Older Generations Time for Public Debate on Adjusting the Voting Age Rep. Jang Dong-hyuk of the People Power Party recently raised the possibility of lowering the voting age to 16. The remark was made during his floor speech as leader of a parliamentary negotiating bloc on Feb. 4, effectively reigniting debate over what has come to be known as “voting at 16.” This discussion, however, is not new. In the past, Democratic Party lawmaker Kang Min-jung proposed lowering the voting age to 16 for elections of superintendents of education, while Ahn Cheol-soo of the People Power Party suggested adjusting the general voting age to 17. This issue does not belong to any single party. It is an agenda that requires reflection across political lines. In Europe, Austria has already adopted voting rights for 16-year-olds. The United Kingdom, which first implemented the policy in Scotland and Wales, is also discussing nationwide expansion. Similar public debates are underway in some states in Germany and Switzerland. These cases suggest that voting at 16 is not a radical experiment. Rather, it should be understood as an effort to redefine the boundaries of democratic participation. ▲Koo Jeong Woo, Professor of Sociology at Sungkyunkwan University Supporters of the proposal emphasize that 16-year-olds already participate in the labor market and are direct stakeholders in education policy. From this perspective, excluding them from political decision-making is itself contradictory. Opponents, however, warn against the excessive politicization of adolescents. Granting political rights to minors who are still in the process of learning, they argue, may be premature. Others question whether it is appropriate to expand political rights when responsibilities such as military service or full tax obligations have yet to be imposed. Either way, this is not an issue that can be treated lightly. This matter should not be approached in terms of partisan advantage or short-term electoral strategy. Regardless of the normative merits of the proposal, attempting to push it forward hastily—especially with local elections just around the corner—inevitably casts doubt on its sincerity. Such an approach risks being seen as a distasteful calculation aimed at preemptively capturing the political orientation of younger generations. The more important question lies elsewhere. In a society standing at the edge of low birthrates and rapid aging, when and how should political participation by future generations be expanded? Avoiding this fundamental question while focusing solely on the timing of institutional change is not an appropriate stance. Introducing the policy immediately in the upcoming June local elections would be difficult, not least because the issue carries a high risk of politicization and ideological polarization. Moreover, lowering the voting age to 16 raises concerns about coherence within the legal system. While limited labor participation and party membership are permitted, the standards for military service, marriage, and appointment to public office remain firmly set at 18. Even so, the reasons for taking voting at 16 seriously are self-evident. As contemporary democracy operates largely according to the size of the electorate, generational imbalances in political power have deepened. Even within a single birth-year cohort, the population in their 50s is more than twice as large as that of teenagers. Such disparities erode institutional trust among future generations and excessively amplify the political influence of older cohorts in major policy areas such as pension reform and extensions of the retirement age. When generational equity is undermined, democracy itself becomes vulnerable. What matters, then, is not who raised the issue first, but who is willing to step forward and lead a sincere process of public deliberation. Rep. Jang’s proposal can serve as a starting point. Before the 2028 general election, South Korea should engage in sufficient social discussion and institutional preparation, ultimately moving toward a revision of the Public Official Election Act. What is needed is a nationally coordinated, medium- to long-term roadmap toward unifying the voting age at 16. To this end, adequate time must be secured to minimize confusion in schools and to ensure that political participation by first- and second-year high school students does not become a tool for gender conflict or ideological confrontation. Applying the reform only to superintendent of education elections would be undesirable, as it would be difficult to avoid controversy over potential conflicts with the Constitution, which enshrines the principles of universal and equal suffrage. A decision must be made before hope among future generations is depleted. Today’s reality is one in which numerically larger generations exercise overwhelming influence over both asset formation and policy decision-making. This is a clear imbalance. Social sustainability cannot be secured simply by increasing marriage and birth rates. It also requires guaranteeing the right to directly choose representatives who determine national policy and the future of the state. Only then can responsible citizens truly be formed. For these reasons, voting at 16 is fully capable of becoming a defining spirit of our time.
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- 작성일 2026-02-11
- 조회수 36
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- Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies Hosts the 16th China Society Research Forum NEW
- Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies Hosts the 16th China Society Research Forum On February 3, 2026, the Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies (Director: Lee Jong-hyuk) successfully hosted the 16th China Society Research Forum at the 600th Anniversary Hall of Sungkyunkwan University. Held under the theme “Smart Governance and Science and Technology Policy in China,” the forum provided a comprehensive review of China’s evolving governance model and science and technology policy amid rapid changes in the global order and technological landscape. The event was conducted in a hybrid format, combining in-person participation with online attendance via Zoom, which enabled broad engagement from scholars both in Korea and abroad. The forum opened with welcoming remarks by Director Lee Jong-hyuk, who emphasized the importance of sharing accumulated research outcomes on Chinese society and state governance. He highlighted the need for in-depth discussion of China’s policy responses in an era shaped by U.S.–China strategic competition and accelerating digital transformation. The subsequent presentation sessions addressed key issues surrounding China’s science and technology policies and strategies for smart governance from multiple perspectives. Kim Jong-sun, Senior Research Fellow at the Science and Technology Policy Institute (STEPI), delivered a presentation titled “An Analysis of China’s Science and Technology Policy in Response to U.S.–China Hegemonic Competition.” His talk offered a systematic examination of how China has positioned science and technology at the core of its national strategy, analyzing recent policy shifts and their broader implications within the context of intensifying great-power rivalry. This was followed by a presentation by Dr. Son Ae-sung of Korea University, titled “China’s Health Code as Smart Governance: Negotiating the Tension between Mobility and Security.” Focusing on China’s digital governance practices, Dr. Son explored the inherent tension between administrative efficiency and social control, shedding light on the complexities and consequences of smart governance in contemporary China. The 16th China Society Research Forum served as a meaningful platform for sharing the latest research on Chinese society and state governance, while also encouraging critical reflection on the relationship between technological development and governance in China. The Sungkyun Institute of Chinese Studies plans to continue expanding in-depth research and interdisciplinary dialogue on social change in China in the years ahead.
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- 작성일 2026-02-06
- 조회수 235
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- Department of Media and Communication Concludes Joint Research Symposium 2026 with City University of Hong Kong
- Department of Media and Communication Concludes Joint Research Symposium 2026 with City University of Hong Kong ▲ CityU–SKKU Joint Research Symposium 2026 The Department of Media and Communication (Chair: Professor Jiyoung Lee) successfully hosted the CityU–SKKU Joint Research Symposium 2026 on Tuesday, January 20, at the Humanities and Social Sciences Campus, in collaboration with City University of Hong Kong (CityU). Held under the theme “Connecting Scholars, Shaping the Future of Communication,” the symposium aimed to explore theoretical and methodological directions for communication research in the era of artificial intelligence (AI). The international symposium was designed to strengthen ongoing academic exchange and collaborative research between the two institutions. Faculty members, postdoctoral researchers, and graduate students from both universities gathered to share recent research findings and discuss future opportunities for joint scholarship in media and communication studies. ▲ Keynote lecture by Professor Shuhua Zhou The symposium opened with welcoming remarks by Professor Jiyoung Lee, followed by keynote lectures from distinguished scholars. Professor Shuhua Zhou of City University of Hong Kong delivered a keynote address titled “Understanding Human Perception of AI Communicators,” while Professor Seungsu Lee presented “Talking about Politics with AI?” Together, the talks offered in-depth discussions on key issues in AI-driven communication research, including human–AI interaction, digital humans, and political communication. ▲ Lecture by Professor Seungsu Lee Subsequent sessions featured presentations by graduate students from both universities, who shared research on a wide range of topics such as human–AI interaction, trust and transparency, chatbot communication, explainability of AI-generated outcomes, and AI applications in healthcare. These sessions fostered active scholarly exchange among emerging researchers and highlighted the diversity of approaches shaping the next generation of communication research. The symposium concluded with a roundtable discussion titled “Reconsidering Communication in the Age of AI: Theory, Method, and Collaborative Research Agendas.” Faculty members from both institutions engaged in thoughtful dialogue on future challenges in communication research and the potential for expanding international collaborative projects in the AI era. ▲ Networking dinner Building on the success of the Joint Research Symposium, the Department of Media and Communication plans to further strengthen its partnership with City University of Hong Kong and to continue expanding international collaboration and academic exchange in the fields of AI and digital communication.
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- 작성일 2026-01-23
- 조회수 218
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- [Alumni] Opening the New Year with a Generous Gift to One’s Alma Mater
- Opening the New Year with a Generous Gift to One’s Alma Mater – Park Rae-moon, Chairman of Ramses Logistics (Media Communication ’77), Donates KRW 100 Million to the 1398 University Development Fund – On January 12 (Monday), Park Rae-moon, Chairman of Ramses Logistics and a member of the Class of 1977 in Media Communication, donated KRW 100 million to the 1398 University Development Fund. The donation ceremony was held at the reception room of the 600th Anniversary Hall on the Humanities and Social Sciences Campus. The ceremony was attended by Chairman Park, Park Jun-hyun, Head of Sales, and Lee Ji-young, Executive Director, from Ramses Logistics. Representing the University were President Yoo Ji-bum, Senior Trustee Joo Young-soo, Vice President Choi Hoon-seok of the Humanities and Social Sciences Campus, Lee Dong-hwan, Director of Corporate Affairs, and Professor Bae Soo-ho of the Department of Public Administration. ▲ Park Rae-moon, Chairman of Ramses Logistics (Media Communication ’77) (right), presents a KRW 100 million donation to President Yoo Ji-bum for the 1398 University Development Fund. Chairman Park shared his thoughts on the donation, saying, “I have heard that my alma mater has recently achieved strong results across various indicators and has also completed the construction of new facilities. I felt that the University would need support in many areas as it continues to grow, and I am glad to be able to contribute in a small way. I sincerely hope my alma mater continues to thrive.” ▲ Chairman Park Rae-moon(right) poses for a commemorative photo after receiving a plaque of appreciation from President Yoo Ji-bum. President Yoo expressed his gratitude, stating, “Chairman Park’s continued generosity has been a powerful driving force behind the development of our University. We are especially thankful to begin each year with such a warm act of giving. His support will be long remembered, and we will do our utmost to live up to his expectations.” ▲ Chairman Park Rae-moon shares his remarks during the donation ceremony. Chairman Park has consistently demonstrated his commitment to the development of his alma mater. Last year, he also donated KRW 100 million to the VISION 2030 Development Fund, continuing his enduring support and affection for the University.
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- 작성일 2026-01-14
- 조회수 225
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- [Faculty] Professor Yoon Bi, [Kyunghyang Shinmun Column] What Is the National Interest?
- What Is the National Interest? We are living in what may be called an “age of national interest.” Safeguarding and advancing the national interest has always been a central task of politics. Yet the urgency of the issue has grown. The previous administration, through incompetence and complacency, ideological bias, and a disregard for democratic values, institutions, and procedures, caused serious damage to the country’s political, economic, and security interests. It is therefore inevitable that calls to restore politics oriented toward the national interest have grown louder. Changes in the international political and economic environment have further intensified this concern. China’s unchecked rise and the United States’ increasingly blunt nationalism heighten anxiety among citizens who are already demoralized by record-low birth rates and the fear that “we may one day disappear biologically.” A sense of alarm spreads rapidly: unless the country sharpens its focus and strengthens its capabilities, it may once again become a plaything of great powers, as it was in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Against this backdrop, the phrase “we must protect the national interest” now comes naturally to people’s lips. Over the past several months, the Lee Jae-myung administration has worked intensively to project the image of a government best equipped to defend the national interest. At the core of this image lies administrative competence. As is well known, President Lee has drawn public attention as an exceptionally capable administrator, from his election as mayor of Seongnam through his tenure as governor of Gyeonggi Province. Administration, metaphorically speaking, is the sport in which he feels most confident. A recently televised government work briefing vividly demonstrated how a master administrator commands the stage. In front of the cameras, the president blended humor with pointed criticism of irresponsibility among agency heads and senior bureaucrats, praised strong performance, and at times even proposed new policy ideas. To be sure, the event has not been free from criticism. Nonetheless, the polished performance the president delivered that day left a strong impression not only on his supporters but on the broader public. Yet there is one fact that the president, members of the National Assembly, and citizens alike must keep firmly in mind: administration must never be allowed to swallow politics. President Lee’s dazzling “administrative performance” left a strong impression on the public, but administration must not overtake politics. Without sufficient deliberation, distortion is always a risk. We often assume that there exists a form of administration that is nonpartisan and objective—administrative activity that stands apart from values and ideology and is faithful only to reality. Nineteenth-century German bureaucrats believed that, amid political parties prone to distorting reality and advancing partisan claims driven by interest, they alone could maintain balance and realize the national interest. The most representative figure of this view was Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. Such inflated expectations about the nature and role of administration continue to exert influence today. They are particularly powerful in countries with long experiences of authoritarian rule or intense partisan conflict. When politics appears chronically chaotic, expectations grow on the opposite side: faith in “smart elite bureaucrats” who, untouched by political strife, supposedly work rationally on the basis of data alone. There is no need to look far for an example. Korea is one such case. However, no such administrative power or administrative action can truly exist in this world. This is because the “national interest” that administrative authority is expected to pursue cannot be as self-evident, value-neutral, and objective as a mathematical formula. Many of the claims we commonly accept as constituting the national interest are, in fact, nothing more than loose agreements forged through the collision and intermingling of diverse interests and values among citizens. In other words, there is no perfect or immutable truth about what the national interest is. Many people would agree that raising stock prices, boosting economic growth, increasing employment, and improving incomes are desirable goals. Yet opinions inevitably diverge when it comes to how much effort the government should devote to these objectives and by what means. Many also agree on the importance of expanding exports. At the same time, however, a considerable number of people see a contradiction in a government that speaks of peace on the Korean Peninsula on the one hand, while on the other aggressively seeks to become a successful arms exporter—striving to sell more fighter jets, submarines, and missiles wherever possible. For this reason, more spaces must be created in which a wider range of voices can be heard on the question of “what national interest we ought to pursue”—by the president, by members of the National Assembly, by bureaucrats, and by citizens alike. This remains true even if one assumes that the president is so exceptionally capable that he is fully confident he understands better than anyone else which national interests must be realized at this moment and how they should be prioritized. A dramatic display of national-interest-driven governance, led by the president and carried out through the bureaucracy, remains incomplete—no matter how dazzling it may appear—if it is not accompanied by sufficient deliberation in the public sphere. Indeed, it can even become dangerous. It may produce imbalance and injustice, distortion and deformity. Above all, Korean society in 2026 is far too complex—and far too democratic—to be governed in such a manner. Professor Yoon Bi, Sungkyunkwan University
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- 작성일 2026-01-14
- 조회수 264
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